The Prime Minister, D. Ben-Gurion: Mr. Speaker, Members of the
Knesset, at a special meeting of the Government this morning the Foreign
Minister informed us of his decision to resign. Not only the members of the
Government and the members of the Foreign Ministers party but, I am sure, all
the citizens of Israel, both Jewish and non-Jewish, as well as many people [- -
-] all over the world heard the news with great regret.
Since the Provisional Council of State [- - -] and
through all Israel’s Governments—in all of which I have had the privilege of
participating—no Minister [- - -] has worked so consistently and devotedly,
even before the establishment of the state, with such skill and dedication, and
has been so naturally suited for his task as Foreign Minister in both his
character and temperament, diligence and knowledge in political matters, gentle
bearing and good manners [- - -] as Moshe Sharett. [- - -]
He was not only Foreign Minister, he was also Israel’s
second Prime Minister. When I presented the current Government to the Knesset [-
- -] I said “The second Prime Minister is blessed with skills and abilities
which the first Prime Minister did not have,” and I was not giving an empty
compliment.[- - -] I do not say things I do not mean. [- - -]
If Moshe Sharett were to retire from political life upon
resigning from the Government I would attempt to give a brief outline of the
noble enterprise of one of the sons of the Biluim and one of my best friends in
the service of his country over twenty-three consecutive years, as the Foreign
Minister of his people, even before the establishment of the state, of the
unceasing endeavor to increase immigration and settlement ever since 1933, of
the bitter struggle against the White Paper after 1938, of the mobilization of
the Battalion and the establishment of the first Jewish Brigade in the British
Army to fight the Nazi hangman, of the desperate and heroic effort to bring in
the illegal immigrants, of the struggle to establish the state in the arena of
the United Nations, of the organization of the first Foreign Office of the independent
State of Israel, of the extensive activity in the international arena which led
to Israel’s acceptance into the U.N. and its honored position in the world, of
the achievement of extensive financial assistance from the U.S. government for
the absorption of mass immigration in the first years of the states existence,
of the establishment of ties with countries of both the East and the West, of
the education of the staff of the Foreign Ministry, ambassadors and delegates
of which even a Great Power could be proud, of the acquisition of friends and
of the noble and courageous stand he took when confronting petty critics in the
international sphere.
But I will not do that, because Moshe Sharett’s political
activity has not yet ended; his manifold talents, rich experience and extensive
knowledge will continue to serve Israel’s parliament, and his advice will
gladly be heard by all those who will henceforth deal with Israel’s internal
and external affairs. I am sure that the person who guided the ship of state
for so many years has many more tasks to fulfill, and that is why I will not
attempt to sum up the extensive and productive endeavors of my friend Moshe
Sharett, alongside whom I have worked for more than forty years, not always
agreeing with him, but always respecting him.
I do not need to stress that the Government’s future
policy will continue to follow the lines agreed upon by the Government, and
particularly its foreign and defense policy. [- - -]
M. Sharett (Mapai): Mr. Speaker, distinguished Members of the Knesset, I thank the
Prime Minister for the praises he has heaped upon me. [- - -] I thank the
Knesset for the confidence it has displayed in me when I served as Foreign
Minister and for its attentiveness and patience towards me.
[- - -] In August 1955, when the present Prime Minister
was attempting to form a Government after the last elections, I asked him not
to include me among its members. I feared that the cooperation between my
friend David Ben-Gurion as Prime Minister and myself as Foreign Minister would
not work out well this time, and I thought that it would be best if I were to
release him and. the Government from unnecessary complications.
The Prime Minister rejected my arguments then, and his
attitude caused me to alter my views. During my term in the present Government
the cooperation between us underwent several strains, which we managed to
overcome in view of the many years we had worked side by side and the situation
of emergency in the state. In recent weeks, however, it has become clear to me
that my resignation is inevitable. This is not connected with any specific
political problem. [- - -]
In a frank discussion I had with the Prime Minister on
June 3, I realized that I could not possibly remain in the Government. I
suggested to him that he summon the Government immediately for a special
meeting so that I could submit my resignation. The Prime Minister asked me to
postpone my resignation for several weeks [- - -] but after a few days he
realized that the sooner the thing were done the better. [- - -]
That is the way things happened, and any other version
you read or hear is untrue. [- - -] I will not trouble you with detailed
rebuttals of all the falsehoods disseminated about my resignation, except for
one case. One of the newspapers made a base attempt to involve the senior staff
of the Foreign Ministry in this affair, calling them advisors to the Foreign
Minister. [- - -] I will only say that I hope every Minister in Israel is
blessed with such colleagues as I had the privilege of working with in the
Foreign Ministry, in the capital and throughout the world [- - -] as regards
their education, political acumen, cultural and moral level, honesty,
industriousness, sense of discipline, devotion to their work and dedication to
Israel and the Jewish people.
I probably have several reasons to regret the fact that I
have been forced to leave my position, but none causes me greater sorrow than
leaving the staff I cherish so dearly and to whom I have become so closely
attached. [- - -] I would like to express my gratitude to them for their
dedication, help and friendship.
Knesset Members, I have ascended this podium many times
in the capacity which I leave today. Allow me to present myself now in all
humility as one of you, as a representative of the people, who will feel
honored to participate in the daily work of this house without having any
ministerial authority.
M. Begin (Herut): Mr. Speaker, the Prime Minister’s words of praise for the
departing Foreign Minister were most touching. The one thought that occurred to
me when I heard them was — how can one give up a Foreign Minister of that
caliber? I have the honor of being the Foreign Minister’s uncompromising rival.
[- - -] He is distinguished by the wide extent of his knowledge, particularly
of languages, and especially Hebrew. If he wants, he can be the most affable of
men, would that all his colleagues were like him in that. [- - -] Also [- - -] he has remained faithful to his system. The problem is that his system was not
right for the needs of the nation.
But why did the Foreign Minister have to resign?. [- - -] The head of Mapai maintains that there were no personal reasons dividing him
from his friend. [- - -] If this is the case, the reason for the resignation is
political, in which case the nation is entitled to know what it is. [- - -] It
cannot be political success, because successful Ministers do not resign. [- -
-] If the resignation is not for personal reasons, it must be because the
persons who caused him to resign reached the conclusion that his policy had
failed. This is something new. For eight years we have [- - -] been warning
you, members of Mapai, that your official foreign policy has gone from bad to
worse, leading the nation towards the brink. [- - -] This is the first time we
hear that our foreign policy has failed, forcing the Minister responsible to
resign.
But if this is the reason for the resignation[, - - -] and after all, the Foreign Minister acted in your name, members of the
Government, and with your knowledge, how can you let him go while you remain? [-
- -]
[- - -] Our political situation is disastrous. In the
eighth year of Israel’s existence we no longer have any international standing
in the diplomatic offices of the Powers, of countries, of the members of the
U.N. But did all this happen as a result of the personal policy of the
departing Foreign Minister? Did he decide that we were forbidden to say that
the Old City of Jerusalem is the City of David, was ours and shall be ours? Did
he decide that Jerusalem, Hebron and Bethlehem are alien territory? The Prime
Minister made that statement from this podium. You all decided that we have no
claim. You thereby caused the world to recognize at least part of our enemies’
territorial demands, because you have no claims, and the world demands a
compromise. [- - -] That is your acknowledged policy. You are all responsible
for it. But why do you seek the scapegoat for this policy and its results only
in the Foreign Minister? [- - -]
As regards arms, your sources disseminated the rumors
that [- - -] the Foreign Minister believed that we would receive arms from the
U.S. This belief was proved wrong. His policy failed. He therefore had to draw
the necessary conclusions. That is what we have been arguing about for the last
eight months, ever since what is known as the Egyptian-Czech deal. We warned
you that we would fall behind in the arms race. [- - -]
SOURCE: Major Knesset Debates, 1948-1981, vol.3: Second Knesset, 1951-1955, Third Knesset, 1955-1959, ed. Netanel Lorch, (Lanham / New York / London: University Press of America / Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs, 1993), 920-24.
